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Successful innovators ask users to embrace--or at least tolerate--new values, new skills, new behaviors, new vocabularies, new ideas, new expectations, and new aspirations.

They transform their customers. Successful innovators reinvent their customers as well as their businesses. Their innovations make customers better and make better customers. Google provides an excellent example of understanding and acting on "The Ask. The technology effectively made its users partners and collaborators. It gets smarter every time someone clicks on an ad. And it immediately acts on that information to improve the experience for everyone else.

Consequently, declaring that Google is in the search business radically misunderstands both its technology and business model. The company has created and refined literally hundreds of millions of searchers even as it performs hundreds of billions of searches.

Google continuously improves the quality of its search by improving the capabilities of its searchers--and vice versa. This enormous global pool of new and improved human capital had never before been profitably tapped. Google has reaped disproportionate returns not just on its capital investments in search software and silicon but from its human capital investments in searchers.

Just as improving a car demands a different design sensibility than improving drivers, enhancing search poses technically distinct challenges from enhancing searchers. These entrepreneurs redefined and transformed the customer capabilities of their eras. They create a new vision of the customer. They could be confident their brief time commitment would give them exactly the link s they wanted or needed.

Hasta la vista AltaVista. Google aspired to create impatient users who expected easy interfaces and ridiculously fast results at absolutely zero cost.

Of course, those customers turned out not to exist. They have no choice but to ask their users to become a measurably different kind of searcher. They need to complement as well as compete. They need to distinctively invest in their users. This goes beyond traditional strategy and branding. This is not wrong. But it is woefully inadequate. Google successfully made its hundreds of millions of customers more valuable to the company and for each other. Google is, indeed, in the search business, but its future success remains predicated on customers becoming better, more frequent, more discriminating, and more engaged searchers.

The human capital is king. Maybe a lot smarter. What does our proposed innovation ask our searchers to become? You can be sure Larry Page knows the answer s to that. Reprinted by permission of Harvard Business Review Press.

Flickr user Ross Vox ]. Global Shapers Rome Hub. Innamoramento, gelosia, eros, abbandono. Il coraggio dei sentimenti. Paolo Crepet Einaudi, Il traffico scorre lento, il sole tramonta tardi come tutte le sere inglesi: Ascoltavo un canale della Bbc, musica classica. Risponde a telefonate in diretta, argomento: La donna replica, pronta: Penso a quelle apparenti ovvietà che avrebbero fatto discutere le radio di mezzo mondo. Abbiamo pensato che perfino la felicità potesse essere vissuta senza amore.

Disegnate città, previsto lavori, organizzato quotidianità che potessero prevedere vite emotivamente superficiali. Come potrebbe un politico pretendere di guidare una nazione se non sa amare? Come potrebbe un industriale pretendere di guidare mille dipendenti se non conosce il senso della passione dei sentimenti? Sappiamo distruggere per poi ricostruire, uccidere per poi perdonare, tradire per poi chieder scusa. Da questo, secondo lo psichiatra torinese, dipendono la felicità e il futuro. Quando ero giovane erano i vecchi i miei maestri.

Lasciai fuoco per forma fino a spegnermi. Soffrivo come un metallo che fosse forgiato. Andavo a scuola dai vecchi per imparare il passato. Ora che sono vecchio ho per maestri i giovani. Lezioni mi torturano che riaprono antiche suture. Vado a scuola dai giovani per imparare il futuro. We humans need to make an evolutionary leap.

We're in much deeper trouble than we allow ourselves to recognize. Thirty years ago, an ecologist named Garrett Hardin wrote an article in the journal Science titled, " The Tragedy of the Commons. To illustrate, Hardin used the metaphor of an open pasture — "the commons" — to which herdsmen bring their cattle to feed.

The herdsmen, living at subsistence levels, understandably want to feed as many cattle as possible to maximize their income and improve their lives. As demand rises, however, the effects of overgrazing take a progressive toll on the commons, until ultimately they're destroyed for everyone.

Ruin is the destination toward which all men rush, each pursuing his interest in a society that believes in the freedom of the commons. How different are the rest of us in our blithe assumption that we can draw down the resources of the commons — think oil, electricity, water, for starters — regardless of the consequences in the long term?

The same is true of our own internal resources — our energy. Organizations continue to demand ever more without recognizing that sustainable performance requires that we intermittently renew our energy. We're all too willing to keep pushing ourselves, chasing the hope that more, bigger, faster will eventually prove to be better. The tragedy is that the more we myopically focus on our immediate gratification, the more we hasten our collective demise.

Spending without replenishing eventually leads to bankruptcy — in the world, and for ourselves. The answer lies in the ways our brains work. Much as we may believe we make rational choices by using our prefrontal cortex, the fact is we're often run by the more primitive parts of our brain. And they're concerned solely with our immediate survival. Two powerful default instincts still guide much of our behavior: These instincts helped alert us to predators thousands of years ago and kept our focus on finding food and passing on our genes.

They serve us far less well in today's vastly more complex world. The modern version of these primitive instincts is the individualistic drive to accumulate more and more. We crave money, possessions, and power, hoping they'll make us feel happier and more secure. It's a Darwinian dance, which produces a few short-term winners and a lot of losers. Our baser instincts not only override our reflective capacities, but also co-opt them. We use our brains to rationalize and minimize our choices, rather than to question them.

The truth is, we're all in this together and our choices all affect the commons. To the extent that we're not part of the solution, we're unavoidably and increasingly part of the problem. So how can we aim higher? The evolutionary leap I have in mind — for all of us — is to move from our current focus on "me" and "mine" to a wider and shared commitment to "we" and "ours.

The ultimate scorecard isn't how much value we build for ourselves, but rather how successfully we marshal the advantages we've been given and the skills we've developed to add more value to the world than we have spent down. Waking up begins with more consciousness and humility. It's about pushing past our infinite capacity for self-deception. It's about catching ourselves when we begin to automatically default to whatever makes us feel better in the moment.

It's about widening our lens from narrowly self-serving to truly considering what choice we could make to better serve the commons. It's about having the courage to pause before we act to ask, "How would I behave here at my best? The irony is that the willingness to make personal sacrifice and endure some discomfort in the short term , in order to better serve the commons in the long term, is ultimately a form of enlightened self-interest.

It's a vote for sustainable survival — especially for our children and grandchildren. So how, practically, can we resolve to evolve? It's tough to do all it alone, given the power of our more primitive impulses, the force of our habits, and the endless temptations we face. We need others to make these commitments with us — to cheer us on, and hold us accountable. We need communities of practice. He served as chief secretary and counselor to Massachusetts Gov. It is quite an accomplishment.

Notwithstanding what has happened so far, the hard work of leadership has not yet begun. It is relatively easy to get disempowered, angry, frustrated people together to rail against a wide range of enemies and scapegoats. It is quite another to effect change. Like it or not, the values and processes that have created the Occupy Wall Street phenomenon are inadequate and ill-suited to taking the next steps and creating real impact.

The democratic, inclusive, and consensus-driven norms that have guided OWS up to this point will not get it to the next level—that is, if there is real interest in changing the current reality rather than just complaining about it and speaking out against it. Occupy beta tests a new way of living http: Here are three big examples of the self-imposed constraints that will get in the way.

Anti-capitalism, lack of health care for the uninsured, tuition hikes at public universities, and many other complaints share the stage. The message is muddied. Clarifying the message and focusing on specific targets are necessary next steps. They will inevitably leave some of the grievances on the cutting room floor, and leave those who care most about those abandoned grievances disappointed and alienated both from the rest of the group and from their own constituents who are not camping out at Zuccotti Park, but who expected them to ensure that their particular issues stayed front and center.

Second, the nonhierarchical consensus-driven process will soon reach the end of its utility, at least in its purest form. If OWS is to lead change rather than just call for change, some individuals will have to step up. The presence of authority is essential in order to move this work forward. Someone, or some ones, will have to provide some of the functions of authority—direction, protection and order—so that the movement can begin to make hard choices, create priorities, allocate human and financial resources, and keep the anarchistic outliers from undermining the potential outcomes.

When people have different agendas, the downside of operating by consensus is that the only way to get everybody to agree is to agree on something that is so ethereal and abstract it becomes meaningless. Third, the movement will have to decide whether it is willing to create change by infiltrating the dreaded system it is trying to change.

There is no other way except violent revolution, and if those in Zuccotti Park think there has been pushback so far, wait till they see what is in store for them if there were to be violence. History has important lessons here. They all used their share of extreme measures, but all were directed toward capturing the attention and support of people on the sidelines.

Violence, when it surfaced at all, was perpetrated by the system, with the protesters having adroitly stimulated the establishment powers to overreact, thus generating more popular support for their cause. The over-the-top response by law enforcement to nonviolent civil rights protests was so embarrassing to Northern liberals like me that we had to get involved and provide the civil rights cause the additional personpower, financial resources and political clout to create change.

More recently—and both sides hate this comparison—in a remarkably short period of time, the tea party movement went from a rowdy group of people who felt disenfranchised in different ways to a nonviolent army with a sharply focused, clearly articulated agenda, and fierce commitment to infiltrate the system in order to change it.

It has been amazingly successful, influencing elections and the political discourse and soon winning elections with candidates who were completely beholden to its agenda, whether they believed in it all or not.

Whether you like it or not, the tea party has changed the system. Where does that leave OWS? Very soon, it will come to a fork in the road. Numbers are very important in a democratic society, and OWS is beginning to have numbers that have caused some establishment members they are railing against to take notice, either positively or negatively. Right now, the Zuccotti Park protesters are being used by those establishment folks, one way or the other, to shore up their own bases and spruce up their own images.

Those numbers will only translate into power, and then change, if they can be harnessed to raise the heat on the decision-makers to get them to do something they would otherwise not do. Leadership is a risky and subversive activity. The crowds at Zuccotti Park and their colleagues in other cities have yet to demonstrate that they are interested in anything other than, well, demonstrating.

The opinions expressed in this commentary are solely those of Marty Linsky. It sometimes happens that when you're hard at work making fiction, you get invaded by the feeling that what's important is happening elsewhere -- something much more powerful than the story that you have been creating, with care and obsession. Human beings today need their daily dose of fiction, it's true; without it, we would not know how to live. But it is also true that, on many occasions, the rumblings of reality that come across our TVs and computer screens are so powerful that they knock the air out of you and leave you with the feeling that a film is something insignificant in comparison.

That's what happened to me on Tuesday, while I was working, an impressive tsunami of citizens at Neptuno Square howled for their right to dissent with the politicians who claim to represent them, as they were in session in Congress. The cries of this human tide, encircled and at times beaten and dragged by the 1, strong riot police at Neptuno Square, covered the front pages of newspapers around the world.

Rajoy, I am part of that silent majority who didn't protest on September 25th, and I'm imploring you not to distort or appropriate my silence. The fact that I was not physically present at Neptuno Square does not mean that I'm not outraged by the police attacks, the government delegate overreaction, the state-run TV network's manipulation of images, or about the cocky attitude of state agents in the Atocha Station far removed from Congress who, without identifying themselves, intimidated travelers and prohibited photographers from doing their work.

I'm outraged, too, about the determination that we Madrilenians, upon finding our city besieged since morning, would turn against the protesters. Images, and everything that surrounds them, can be manipulated: Any given reality may mean one thing, or its opposite, according to the interests of the one who narrates it. The government's spokespeople, the president himself, can narrate what happened at Neptuno Square as they please -- they do it every day. But, fortunately, in modern times, it is impossible to be the sole narrator, no matter how many punches cops dole out to anyone toting a camera.

We live in a world dominated by new technologies and, on this occasion, God bless them. In addition to multiple professional cameramen impressive to see them work in the midst of this earthquake, just like war reporters. The testimony they provided us, product of moral and artistic bravery, is admirable , most protestors brought along not just all-too-true shouts and slogans "They're robbers, they beat us -- they do not represent us! Those images will never see the light of day on state television, but they will appear on other digital news sites, or on YouTube.

On these images we can see with utter clarity the truncheon of a masked policeman all the police were masked, except for infiltrators -- whom it was proven were indeed present , and the uncovered face of his victim: Red blood, documented, narrated by one of the people who attended this "show.

A man injured by the police. Getty I provided only one picture as example, but in non-state media outlets there are many, many more acting as narrators contradicting official versions of the story, and for once, receiving heavy coverage in international media.

Barbarities like the ones that went down this week may keep happening. But our raw reality "raw" in the photographic sense -- that is, the first image of reality, the one that hasn't been photoshopped -- so complicated but at the same time so simple -- will have multiple narrators and many points of view.

For those in charge of public order, it's going to be extremely difficult to silence them. CNN -- The more familiar something looks, the less threatening it seems. This is why images of funny-looking college students marching up Broadway or shirtless boys banging on drums comprise the bulk of the imagery we see of the Occupy Wall Street movement.

Stockbrokers look on, police man the barricades and what appears to be a traditional protest movement carries on another day, week or month. But Occupy is anything but a protest movement. That's why it has been so hard for news agencies to express or even discern the "demands" of the growing legions of Occupy participants around the nation, and even the world. Just like pretty much everyone else on the planet, occupiers may want many things to happen and other things to stop, but the occupation is not about making demands.

They don't want anything from you, and there is nothing you can do to make them stop. That's what makes Occupy so very scary and so very promising. It is not a protest, but a prototype for a new way of living. Now don't get me wrong. The occupiers are not proposing a world in which we all live outside on pavement and sleep under tarps.

Most of us do not have the courage, stamina or fortitude to work as hard as these people are working, anyway. Yes, they work hard. The urban survival camps they are setting up around the world are a bit more like showpieces, congresses and "beta" tests of ideas and behaviors the rest of us may soon be implementing in our communities, and in our own ways. The occupiers are actually forging a robust micro-society of working groups, each one developing new approaches -- or reviving old approaches -- to long-running problems.

In just one example, Occupy's General Assembly is a new, highly flexible approach to group discussion and consensus building. Unlike parliamentary rules that promote debate, difference and decision, the General Assembly forges consensus by "stacking" ideas and objections much in the fashion that computer programmers "stack" features.

The whole thing is orchestrated through simple hand gestures think commodities exchange. Elements in the stack are prioritized, and everyone gets a chance to speak.

Even after votes, exceptions and objections are incorporated as amendments. This is just one reason why occupiers seem incompatible with current ideas about policy demands or right vs. They are not interested in debate or what Enlightenment philosophers called " dialectic " but consensus. They are working to upgrade that binary, winner-takes-all, 13th century political operating system.

And like any software developer, they are learning to "release early and release often. Likewise, occupiers have embraced the Internet access solutions of the Free Network Foundation, who have erected "Freedom Towers" at the Occupy sites in New York, Austin and elsewhere through which people can access free, uncensored, authenticated Wi-Fi.

As this technology scales to our own communities, what happens to corporate Internet service providers is anyone's guess. The occupiers have formed working groups to take on myriad social and economic issues, and their many occupation sites serve to test the approaches they come up with.

One group is developing a complementary currency for use, initially, within the network of Occupy communities. Its efficacy will be tested and strengthened by occupiers providing one another with goods and services before it is rolled out to the world at large. Another working group is pushing to have people withdraw their money from large corporate banks on November 5 and move it instead to local banks or cooperatively owned credit unions.

Whether or not we agree that anything at all in modern society needs to be changed, we must at least come to understand that the occupiers are not just another political movement, nor are they simply lazy kids looking for an excuse not to work.

Rather, they see the futility of attempting to use the tools of a competitive, winner-takes-all society for purposes that might better be served through the tools of mutual aid. This is not a game that someone wins, but rather a form of play that is successful the more people get to play, and the longer the game is kept going.

They will succeed to the extent that the various models they are prototyping out on the pavement trickle up to those of us working on solutions from the comfort of our heated homes and offices. For as we come to embrace or even consider options such as local production and commerce, credit unions, unfettered access to communications technology and consensus-based democracy, we become occupiers ourselves.

The opinions expressed in this commentary are solely those of Douglas Rushkoff. TMNews - Michele Santoro ha lottato per anni per riavere il 'suo' microfono. Prima puntata intitolata 'Scassare la casta', tra gli ospiti l'industriale Diego Della Valle.

Santoro rivendica il risultato della raccolta fondi, prossima al milione di euro con oltre 93mila adesioni: Si candida a guida della "rivolta del pubblico televisivo", allo "sciopero del telecomando" contro "la tv che c'è e ci fa schifo".

Ricorda di non aver rinunciato alle sue ambizioni di rientro in Rai: Se qualcuno si aspetta un Santoro barricadero antiberlusconiano probabilmente non sarà deluso: Ma nella conferenza stampa il conduttore offre anche un assaggio della sua propensione tutt'altro che conciliante con i vertici del Pd: Noi ci saremo quando le faranno, non gliele faremo fare da soli ".

Frecciata anche per Matteo Renzi: E per il futuro, se Silvio Berlusconi perde palazzo Chigi "per la Rai sarà un'opportunità", ma il rinnovamento, avverte, "non si fa con chi ha prodotto i reality. O la sinistra quando tornerà al potere giustizierà il pensiero diverso?

Renzi dice di avere cento idee nuove, gli diremo le nostre sulla tv In ogni caso, l'avversario che Santoro identifica in questo momento è "il sistema politico nel suo insieme, se vuole una tv che risponda al suo ordine pubblico: Il creatore di Samarcanda e di Annozero si dice sicuro che le rappresaglie dei partiti ci saranno: Siamo adulti e molte delle tv che stanno con noi si comporteranno da adulte".

Ma soprattutto, prevede, "se avremo successo succederanno delle cose in questi mesi nella tv ma anche nella politica italiana". E qui il pensiero corre alla scelta di De Magistris per la prima puntata: No single challenge has been greater for me as a leader than learning how to take better care of the people I lead, and to create a safe, supportive space in which they can thrive. Like most men I know, I grew up with very little modeling around empathy — the ability to recognize, experience and be sensitive to what others are feeling.

Empathy proved especially difficult for me whenever I felt vulnerable. My instinctive response was to protect myself, most often with aggression.

I equated aggression with safety, and vulnerability with weakness. Today, I recognize the opposite is often true. The more I acknowledge my own fears and uncertainties, the safer people feel with me and the more effectively they work. But even now, I'm amazed at how dense I can sometimes be. An effective modern leader requires a blend of intellectual qualities — the ability to think analytically, strategically and creatively — and emotional ones, including self-awareness, empathy, and humility.

In short, great leadership begins with being a whole human being. I meet far more women with this blend of qualities than I do men, and especially so when it comes to emotional and social intelligence.

To a significant degree, that's a reflection of limitations men almost inevitably develop in a culture that measures us by the ability to project strength and confidence, hide what we're feeling including from ourselves , and define who we are above all by our external accomplishments and our capacity to prevail over others.

The vast majority of CEOs and senior executives I've met over the past decade are men with just these limitations. Most of them resist introspection, feel more comfortable measuring outcomes than they do managing emotions, and under-appreciate the powerful connection between how people feel and how they perform. I'm not suggesting gender ensures or precludes any specific qualities. I've met and hired men who are just as self-aware, authentic and capable of connection as any women.

This is especially and encouragingly true among younger men. I've also encountered many senior women executives who've modeled themselves after male leaders, or perhaps felt they had to adopt their style to survive, and are just as narrow and emotionally limited as their worst male counterparts.

For the most part, however, women, more than men, bring to leadership a more complete range of the qualities modern leaders need, including self-awareness, emotional attunement, humility and authenticity. That's scarcely just my own view. In March, Jack Zenger and Joseph Folkman reported here on their study of leaders who got rated by their peers, supervisors and direct reports. Women scored higher in 12 of 16 key skills — not just developing others, building relationships, collaborating, and practicing self development, but also taking initiative, driving for results and solving problems and analyzing issues.

In another study of adults conducted by the PEW center, women were rated higher on a range of leadership qualities including honesty, intelligence, diligence, compassion and creativity. For all that, women still hold only 14 percent of senior executive positions in Fortune companies, a percentage has barely budged over the last decade.

So why do women remain so vastly underrepresented at the highest levels of large companies? There are many answers, including the fact that even the most educated women typically take the primary role in raising their children, and are far more likely than men to scale back their careers and ambitions, or even leave the workforce altogether.

But perhaps the key explanation is that men commonly bring more of one key capacity to the competition for senior leadership roles: The word aggression comes from The Latin root "ag" before and "gred" to walk or step.

Aggression, therefore, connotes stepping before or in front of someone and it has an undeniably genetic component. Men have in 7 to 8 times the concentration of testosterone in their blood plasma than women do. From an early age, men often overvalue their strengths, while women too frequently underrate theirs. In reality, we all struggle to feel a stable sense of value and self-worth. Men often defend against their doubts by moving to grandiosity and inflation, while women more frequently move to insecurity and deferral.

Men seek more often to win, women to connect. So long as the path to power is connected to proving you're bigger and badder, it's no surprise that men have mostly prevailed.

But the leadership skills required to fuel great performance are far more nuanced and multi-dimensional today than ever before. As Hanna Rosin puts it in her new book The End of Men, "The post-industrial economy is indifferent to men's size and strength. Instead, we need more male leaders with the courage to stand down, comfortably acknowledge their shortcomings, and help those they lead feel safe and appreciated rather than fearful and inadequate.

We need more women with the courage to step up, fully own their strengths, and lead with confidence and resolve while also holding on to their humanity and their humility. The population problem has no technical solution; it requires a fundamental extension in morality.

At the end of a thoughtful article on the future of nuclear war, Wiesner and York 1 concluded that: It is our considered professional judgment that this dilemma has no technical solution. If the great powers continue to look for solutions in the area of science and technology only, the result will be to worsen the situation.

I would like to focus your attention not on the subject of the article national security in a nuclear world but on the kind of conclusion they reached, namely that there is no technical solution to the problem.

An implicit and almost universal assumption of discussions published in professional and semipopular scientific journals is that the problem under discussion has a technical solution.

A technical solution may be defined as one that requires a change only in the techniques of the natural sciences, demanding little or nothing in the way of change in human values or ideas of morality. In our day though not in earlier times technical solutions are always welcome.

Because of previous failures in prophecy, it takes courage to assert that a desired technical solution is not possible. Wiesner and York exhibited this courage; publishing in a science journal, they insisted that the solution to the problem was not to be found in the natural sciences. They cautiously qualified their statement with the phrase, "It is our considered professional judgment Rather, the concern here is with the important concept of a class of human problems which can be called "no technical solution problems," and, more specifically, with the identification and discussion of one of these.

It is easy to show that the class is not a null class. Recall the game of tick-tack-toe. Consider the problem, "How can I win the game of tick-tack-toe? Put another way, there is no "technical solution" to the problem. I can win only by giving a radical meaning to the word "win. Every way in which I "win" involves, in some sense, an abandonment of the game, as we intuitively understand it.

I can also, of course, openly abandon the game--refuse to play it. This is what most adults do. The class of "No technical solution problems" has members. My thesis is that the "population problem," as conventionally conceived, is a member of this class. How it is conventionally conceived needs some comment.

It is fair to say that most people who anguish over the population problem are trying to find a way to avoid the evils of overpopulation without relinquishing any of the privileges they now enjoy. They think that farming the seas or developing new strains of wheat will solve the problem--technologically. I try to show here that the solution they seek cannot be found. The population problem cannot be solved in a technical way, any more than can the problem of winning the game of tick-tack-toe.

Population, as Malthus said, naturally tends to grow "geometrically," or, as we would now say, exponentially.

In a finite world this means that the per capita share of the world's goods must steadily decrease. Is ours a finite world? A fair defense can be put forward for the view that the world is infinite; or that we do not know that it is not. But, in terms of the practical problems that we must face in the next few generations with the foreseeable technology, it is clear that we will greatly increase human misery if we do not, during the immediate future, assume that the world available to the terrestrial human population is finite.

A finite world can support only a finite population; therefore, population growth must eventually equal zero. The case of perpetual wide fluctuations above and below zero is a trivial variant that need not be discussed. When this condition is met, what will be the situation of mankind? Specifically, can Bentham's goal of "the greatest good for the greatest number" be realized?

No --for two reasons, each sufficient by itself. The first is a theoretical one. It is not mathematically possible to maximize for two or more variables at the same time.

This was clearly stated by von Neumann and Morgenstern 3 , but the principle is implicit in the theory of partial differential equations, dating back at least to D'Alembert The second reason springs directly from biological facts.

To live, any organism must have a source of energy for example, food. This energy is utilized for two purposes: For man, maintenance of life requires about kilocalories a day "maintenance calories". Anything that he does over and above merely staying alive will be defined as work, and is supported by "work calories" which he takes in. Work calories are used not only for what we call work in common speech; they are also required for all forms of enjoyment, from swimming and automobile racing to playing music and writing poetry.

If our goal is to maximize population it is obvious what we must do: We must make the work calories per person approach as close to zero as possible. No gourmet meals, no vacations, no sports, no music, no literature, no art. I think that everyone will grant, without argument or proof, that maximizing population does not maximize goods.

Bentham's goal is impossible. In reaching this conclusion I have made the usual assumption that it is the acquisition of energy that is the problem. The appearance of atomic energy has led some to question this assumption.

However, given an infinite source of energy, population growth still produces an inescapable problem.

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