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Gorbachev's numerous hints to East German leaders and citizens that nonviolent reform was the order of the day removed the fear that the Soviets would act where the East German leadership had not. Economic grievances contributed as well. Enough was enough, ran the general sentiment.

The sixteen-year wait for a car and the twenty-five-year wait for a telephone were no longer tolerable. Although the deprivation was not as bad as that experienced in Poland and Romania, it was still painful.

In and , consumers discovered that it was increasingly difficult to find meat except on the black market. The comparison with the success of West Germany's economy exacerbated the resentment. East Germans decided that in order to improve their lives, they must either leave the country, confront their ruling regime, or accept what would come. In other words, they faced a choice between exiting, voicing their discontent, or staying quiet. At first, Hungary's September announcement that it would allow East Germans to travel through Hungary to Austria made the exit option the most attractive.

In spring , he and Gorbachev had seemed to be like-minded souls, agreeing in a March conversation that there was "no difference between pluralism in a single-party system and in a multi-party system. Not only Hungarians but also East Germans sought to take advantage of the May cutting of the fence on the Hungarian border to Austria.

Due to treaty obligations, Hungary was not supposed to let East Germans utilize this new gap in the iron curtain; but East Germans came and camped at the border anyway. At first a holiday atmosphere prevailed, but the crowds grew restless as conditions became wet and swampy in the waning days of a Central European summer.

Nervous Hungarian border guards even shot one East German after an altercation on August It was clear that something had to give. The Hungarian leaders were wisely seeking to make a virtue out of the necessity of resolving the unstable situation. Németh kept his word and opened the border to East Germans in September. Dramatic scenes filled television screens worldwide as a mass exodus ensued. This opening was one of the single most important events leading to the breakdown of the old Cold War order.

In response, the furious East German Politburo choked off travel to Hungary. But that only relocated the problem to Warsaw and particularly Prague. East Germans began filling the West German embassies there in the hopes of emigrating. Prague was especially hard hit because Czechoslovakia had already emerged as a "transit stop" for East Germans heading to Hungary.

When denied the opportunity to go to Hungary, East Germans simply stayed there rather than go home. Kohl and Genscher hoped they could solve this crisis by negotiating a special one-time release of East Germans from the Prague and Warsaw embassies. The East Berlin Politburo agreed, but there was a catch. The Politburo insisted that refugees had to travel on sealed trains that would cross back through the GDR before delivering their human cargo in West Germany.

The risk of running through the GDR cast a pall over the agreement, since it meant that the Politburo had countless ways to stop the trains, and the image of sealed trains in Germany had frightening historical connotations.

Still, there did not seem to be a better alternative. In a dramatic gesture, Genscher personally went to Prague to tell the crowd in the embassy of the deal. He was received with a mixture of joy and fear, as the East Germans scrambled to prepare for immediate departure. Sleep-deprived embassy officials in Prague and Warsaw rushed to get the refugees under way, to accomplish their transit to West Germany before the terms of the deal could change.

In Prague, this meant jamming an estimated four to six thousand people on to six trains. Pulling out in haste, hours later than expected in the middle of the night, massively outnumbered West German official escorts did their best to control the train passengers.

The escorts also had to manage various state security teams that insisted on inspections of the trains at numerous stops. The atmosphere would grow tense whenever special police officers would demand that passengers show their ID cards. Some refugees threw their cards at the feet of the agents in response. The embassy officials were not sure what they could do if the confrontation turned violent, had no means of communication with the West whatsoever, and had no idea how it would all end.

The trains were only supposed to carry the original crowd; but others, among them East Germans who had arrived in Czechoslovakia too late to make it to the embassy, figured out where the trains would have to slow or stop for technical reasons.

They rushed to the tracks with whatever they could carry, in the hopes of boarding. Richard Kiessler, a West German journalist on another of the Prague trains, remembered that few succeeded. Confrontation loomed yet again when Elbe's train reached the final station in Czechoslovakia. As it rolled to a stop, passengers saw a line of police on the platform. A handful of forlorn East German families faced the security forces.

The sound of a loudspeaker ordering them not to board echoed through the station. No one knew how long the train would be stopped or what would happen.

Suddenly, Elbe remembered, "a family finds the heart to begin walking, carrying its suitcases, toward the train. They had no idea what would result, only the belief that whatever it was, it could not be worse than staying behind the iron curtain one day longer. The sight of the lone family advancing in the predawn light inspired other waiting families; they began to follow. From inside the train, Elbe recalled that "hands that want to help stretch out to them, and pull them in. The train moved on, slightly fuller than before.

Such success helped the confidence of the passengers to grow with every mile they moved closer to the West. Hesitatingly at first, but then en masse, the rest of the train followed suit, divulging itself of the essentials of an everyday life that had ended: A train station employee reacted to the shower of coins and keys by tipping his hat to the jubilant passengers.

And the next stop was the West. Elbe remembered that moment as a time when "a joy that you cannot imagine breaks out. Instructions went out saying "the fact that further people got on the train during the transit should not be explicitly acknowledged" if questions arose.

This article is excerpted from her book But the man who made a crucial first breach in the Iron Curtain which divided Cold War Europe has received far less attention in the West. He is Miklos Nemeth, an economist who became Hungarian prime minister in November and proceeded to tear up the rule book for leaders of communist bloc countries. His assault on the Iron Curtain began, strangely enough, as he considered his country's budget for He spotted a mysteriously large sum listed under interior ministry spending.

When he was told it was in fact for renewing the barbed wire on the border between Hungary in the Cold War "East", and Austria in the "West", he "erased it immediately", he recalls. Memory of brutal Soviet intervention in Hungary in was still strong. But Nemeth wanted to test the promises of a new era made by Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev.

He visited Gorbachev in March and informed him of his government's decision in principle to start dismantling the border. Nonetheless, as the barbed wire began to come down and border controls were gradually reduced, he half expected an angry phone call from Moscow, and was relieved when it did not come.

Nemeth was convinced that the so-called Brezhnev doctrine, in which a previous Soviet leader had asserted the right to invade other countries to defend orthodox communist rule, was now dead. But the possibility that Gorbachev would be deposed by hardliners, who might exploit the fact that the Soviet Union still had many thousands of troops stationed in Hungary, was a constant worry.

He remembers hearing "disturbing noises" from intelligence sources in Moscow. And Nemeth's decision to relax border controls - and his willingness to consider multi-party rule - enraged more conservative rulers in other communist countries. Meanwhile Gorbachev, also attending, said nothing, Nemeth remembers, but occasionally "winked at me" in silent support.

Nemeth was to incur Honecker's lasting wrath when he decided to "cross the Rubicon", and open up the border fully in September. This allowed thousands of East Germans, who had massed in Hungary after hearing of looser border controls, to leave for the West without exit visas, via Hungary's border with Austria. But first Nemeth made a secret deal with the West German government, giving them time to prepare to accept the influx. Honecker lost power soon afterwards, and within weeks the Berlin Wall had fallen.

Kohl visited Nemeth shortly before making a crucial visit to East Germany which paved the way for German reunification. Nemeth noticed how nervous he was, and Kohl confided that he did not know what to say to East Germans, so different from the Germans he knew in the West.

Nemeth advised him "not to promise anything" but to stress instead patience and hard work. Nemeth also had to reassure Margaret Thatcher, a strong opponent of German reunification, who told him that after 40 years of Cold War stability "now something strange is happening".

But nothing could match the drama and personal satisfaction of the role he played in Europe's year of revolutionary drama 20 years ago. And the approval he enjoyed most was not from the top political leaders he met, but from much closer to home.

And my father clapped me on the back, and said 'Son, well done, I'm still holding my head up high whenever I walk through the gates to my front door. Prague's velvet and steel, 20 years later The ills of capitalism are apparent.

Students had gathered Nov. Events were not taking place in a vacuum, however. Tectonic shifts were under way across Eastern Europe. East Germans were fleeing in the thousands to the West. The Solidarity trade union under Lech Walesa was taking power in Poland. Hungary was dismantling its one-party system. The ultimate blow was the crumbling of the Berlin Wall on Nov.

The Czech students had that event in mind as they marched to the center of town, where they were met by a phalanx of grim-faced police in riot gear. It is common lore that the overthrow of communism in Czechoslovakia went smoothly, peacefully, hence the "Velvet" tag. But that day, police were at their brutal best, attacking with batons protesters who approached them with flowers.

The crackdown was a catalyst. Angered by the police action and sensing the regime was on its last leg, Czechs took to the streets in massive protests, jingling keys for change. Less than two weeks later, the communist system was unraveling, and Vaclav Havel, a playwright, political prisoner, and Lou Reed fan, would soon become the first president of a free Czechoslovakia.

Today, a supermarket sits on the corner where the students were bludgeoned during those fateful days in Capitalism is firmly entrenched here. The cobblestoned streets of Prague are lined with restaurants, pubs, and upscale boutiques. With its architectural heritage given a needed scrubbing after decades of communist neglect, Prague has become a top target of the camera-clicking crowd.

The city's roads are clogged with more and more upscale cars, pushing out the old, boxy Skodas, the Czech autos. The ills of capitalism are here to see as well. The number of homeless is growing. City officials scratch their heads trying to figure out how to shuffle them out of the sight of tourists, the lifeblood for much of the economy. Those looking for cheap booze and sex have made Prague a top destination, leading one English paper to call it one of Europe's sleaziest cities.

And like elsewhere in the region, the countryside has harvested fewer fruits of the free market than the cities. Traveling to our country home in the winter is like being in Pittsburgh during the days of the smokestack industries. The air has a grittiness as homes burn coal, wood, and whatever else is flammable, including tires. All are cheaper than gas. Stocking up wood for the winter is an obsession and necessity for some. With all the free market's warts, few here or elsewhere in the former Eastern Bloc want to trash it and return to the past, despite the sense of security it did offer along with the cruelty and limitations.

I asked a friend who lives in Chribska, site of our rustic retreat, whether the credit crunch had shaken his faith in the free market. Pepa had just had his hours cut back at a thread factory in a small town near the northern border with Germany.

He looked at me as if I were kidding, before answering with a heaping dose of sarcasm, "Oh, sure we could go back to the way things were, when the shops were full, and we all drove Trabants," the tiny clunker once churned out in bunches in East Germany.

The Trabants are gone, as are the Soviet troops. Membership in the now not-so-exclusive European Union means the Czechs and other Eastern Europeans are out of Moscow's orbit, although the Kremlin is still reluctant to see it that way. That partly explains why Moscow stomped its feet over U. Vox populi in both Poland and the Czech Republic showed little support for the plan. However, the leadership in Warsaw and Prague believed it would further anchor them in the Atlantic alliance. When Barack Obama announced that those two components of missile defense would be scrapped, political leaders and thinkers here felt betrayed, and fear that the U.

A former foreign minister, Jiri Dienstbier, told me such thinking was nothing more than scaremongering. But for most Czechs, the history is hard to forget. In una fotografia dell'epoca, appesa accanto alla sua scrivania, i capelli corvini e folti, lo sguardo chiaro, diretto, i lineamenti regolari, lo fanno apparire un primo attor giovane. Si intravede l'impronta spagnola della madre, Hortensia Vallejo, nata a Santander, dirigente comunista. Era un transilvanico di origine ebraica ed era stato comandante dell'artiglieria delle Brigate internazionali durante la guerra civile in Spagna, funzionario del Comintern, mitico dirigente comunista in Romania con alterna fortuna nelle periodiche purghe all' interno del partito.

Petre, il figlio di quella coppia comunista cosmopolita, nella fotografia di vent'anni fa indossa un pullover rosso con il collo della camicia sbottonato. Ha l'aria di un play boy. Adesso il colore dei capelliè sfumato, un po' opaco, e leggere rughe solcano il viso non troppo appesantito. Ma il tempo non ha smorzato l'espressione del seduttore. E' con slancio e senza retorica in buon italiano - parla tante altre lingue, dal russo all'inglese, dallo spagnolo al francese ha studiato a Tolosa - che mi riassume le ore intense del 21 dicembre Erigevano una barriera nell'attesa dei soldati e degli agenti della Securitate.

I quali arrivarono, nella notte, e fecero trentanove morti. Cosi Petre Roman, destinato a diventare dopo qualche giorno primo ministro postcomunista, racconta come entro' nella "rivoluzione".

Il sangue dell'89, Bucarest La rivoluzione rumena o la rivolta o il complotto o la congiura internazionale, secondo le varie tesi fu l'ultimo capitolo,e il solo bagno di sangue, del , l'anno in cui la storia d'Europa ha girato pagina, essendo il comunismo reale entrato in un' agonia irreversibile.

Gli atti notarili chiedono tempoe il decesso ufficiale sarà registrato due anni dopo con la dissoluzione dell'Unione Sovietica. Ma l' estremo ictus è il tragico episodio del Natale rumeno, vissuto alla televisione, quasi in diretta, non solo dall'Europa ma dal mondo. Bucarest era in grande ritardo rispetto alle altre capitali satelliti dell'impero in decomposizione. A Varsavia, a Budapest, a Praga, nella stessa vicina Sofia, era già avvenuta la transizione incruenta; a Berlino, il 9 novembre, era caduto il Muro.

Gli occidentali avevano da tempo voltato le spalle a Ceausescu, dopo averlo a lungo adulato per assecondare le sua insubordinazione nazionalista nei confronti di Mosca. E nella stessa Unione Sovietica, dopo una burrascosa visita di Gorbaciov a Bucarest, nell'87, si sopportava sempre meno il caparbio, a tratti sprezzante, rifiuto del regime rumeno ad accettare la decisiva svolta del Cremlino, basata sulla perestrojka e la glasnost la revisione economica e la trasparenza politica.

Ceausescu appariva come l'estremo baluardo di un comunismo irriformabile, ancorato a un dittatore, il cui carattere assumeva sempre più aspetti psichiatrici.

E il Paese era sull' orlo di un' esplosione. Dal scarseggiava persino il pane. L' industria costava di più di quel che produceva. Con uno scatto d'orgoglio Ceausescu aveva deciso di rimborsare al più presto i debiti accumulati dal Paese. La gente non moriva di fame, ma la malnutrizione allungava le file, anche notturne, davanti ai negozi d' alimentari vuoti.

Nei mesi d'inverno, durante i quali mancava spesso la corrente, i rumeni dormivano vestiti, con i guanti. E poi c'era stata la proibizione dell'aborto, che aveva moltiplicato le tragedie, poiché gli aborti, spesso per evitare figli che non si potevano mantenere, venivano fatti clandestinamente e senza sicurezza.

In quegli stessi anni di miseria, Ceausescu aveva fatto costruire uno dei palazzi più grandi del mondo, foderato di legni preziosie di marmi. E nel cantiere avevano lavorato operai malpagati e denutriti.

Schiavi del XX secolo. Cosi si arriva al dicembre dell' La cronologia degli ultimi avvenimenti è scrupolosa. Non sgarra di un minuto. Oscuro, incerto, resta invece il retroscena di quei fatti. Ed enigmatico il ruolo dei protagonisti. Alle 14,50 del giorno di Natale, in una caserma a neppure cento chilometri da Bucarest, sono sbrigativamente fucilati Nicolae ed Elena Ceausescu e con loro si spegne il comunismo paranoico, alla cui testa non c'era più da tempo il partito ma la famiglia: La quale, come se cercasse il riscatto di una lunga sinistra megalomania, ha un sussulto di dignità davanti alla morte.

Marito e moglie negano la legittimità di chi li sta giudicando, respingono gli avvocati difensori e l'idea di un appello, che comunque sarebbe stato negato, e affrontano senza batter ciglio il plotone di esecuzione. Esecuzione che avviene dopo un processo durato cento minuti e dieci minuti dopo la sentenza, nella città di Dracula: È alla sua storia che si è ispirato il mito di Dracula.

Sulla cui terra immaginaria sono morti sul serio i coniugi Ceausescu. Quattro giorni prima dell' esecuzione di Targoviste, nel pomeriggio del 21 dicembre, quando Petre Roman esce dal Politecnico e si imbatte nella fragile barricata nei pressi dell'Hotel Intercontinental, che lo coinvolge nella rivolta, Bucarest vive ore di grande tensione.

Nella tarda mattina, alle 11,55 le riprese televisive garantiscono tempi tanto esatti Nicolae Ceausescu appare sul balcone che si allunga su quasi tutta la facciata, al primo piano, della sede del Comitato centrale.

Accanto a lui ci sono la moglie Elena e alcuni eminenti membri della direzione del partito. I quali prendonoa turno la parola davanti alla folla compatta, ordinata che riempie la piazza, e condannano unanimi i tumulti di Timisoara. All'origine di quei tumulti, cominciatia metà dicembre nella città della Transilvania, c'è l'ordine di espulsione per un pastore luterano di origine ungherese, Laszlo Toekes, accusato di pronunciare sermoni irriverenti per il regime.

E la popolazione è insorta in sua difesa. La repressione ha fatto e continua a fare decine di morti. E la cifra già alta delle vittime, moltiplicata ad arte, e diffusa dai media internazionali, suscita una forte emozione in Occidente e nei Paesi appena usciti dal comunismo. Al punto da indurre alcune capitali a sollecitare un intervento sovietico per fermare il massacro. Ma non sono più i tempi della "dottrina Breznev", della sovranità limitata mascherata da solidarietà internazionalista.

Mosca rifiuta di intervenire, anche perché i suoi servizi segreti sono già in azione. Si dirà più tardi che numerosi agenti del Kgb erano entrati in Romania con l'approvazione, non del tutto passiva, della Cia. Nella nuova Europa che stava emergendo Ceausescu costituiva un'anomalia, un tumore, da estirpare.

Ma il Conducator, come è chiamato Ceausescu, resiste. Conta ancora sull' appoggio del popolo. Per questo ha convocato la manifestazione del 21 dicembre. Dopo i discorsi impacciati dei collaboratori, il dittatore si accosta a sua volta al microfono sono le 12,30 , pronuncia le prime parole e subito dalla folla partono grida che suonano ostili; o rivelano il panico, poiché nello stesso momento migliaia di uomini e donne cominciano ad agitarsi, e a riversarsi nelle strade vicine.

Ceausescu tace, resta a bocca aperta, stupito. Dal , quando è succeduto a Gheorghiu-Dej alla testa del partito, non gli è mai accaduto di essere interrotto in pubblico, in modo cosi plateale. Gira lo sguardo smarrito verso destra per seguire i movimenti della folla che cerca di disertare la piazza spinta dalla paura della rituale repressione. Sul balcone Elena Ceausescu dice ad alta voce: Che vuol dire appunto: Ma l'annuncio non ha un seguito immediato. L' immagine diffusa dalle televisioni di tutto il mondo annuncia chiaramente la fine del dittatore e del regime.

Ma è troppo tardi per comperare il potere sfuggito di mano. A qualche centinaio di metri dalla piazza si alzano le prime barricate di Bucarest. Dietro una di queste c'è Petre Roman. Ion Iliescu porta bene i quasi ottant'anni, e il peso della lunga agitata esistenza di militante e dirigente comunista, e poi di primo presidente della Repubblica rumena postcomunista riconfermato nella carica per un secondo mandato.

La mattina del 22 dicembre - mi racconta Iliescu - lui era nel suo ufficio di direttore delle Edizioni tecniche. Verso mezzogiorno lo avvertono che degli elicotteri si sono posati sul tetto del palazzo del Comitato centrale. E allora si mette davanti a un televisore. Nella notte tra il 21 e il 22 dicembre, il Conducator si rende conto di essere ormai isolato. I suoi ordini non sono più eseguiti. L'esercito e la Securitate sono intervenuti per contenere le manifestazioni, hanno moltiplicato i morti, ma la loro azione si è rivelata troppo fiacca o scoordinata.

Nella mattina del 22, il ministro della Difesa, Vasile Milea, viene trovato morto in un ufficio che non è il suo, e si dice che si sia suicidato.

Ceausescu si sente tradito, ma compie un ultimo tentativo: La decisione non suscita reazione nei presenti. Le sue parole non contano più.

E allora, armato di un altoparlante, il Conducator si affaccia al balcone del Comitato centrale e si rivolge alla folla assiepata sulla piazza. Ma la folla è ormai apertamente ostile e non vuole ascoltarlo. La sua voce è coperta da un altoparlante più potente che sotto il balcone ripete: Cosi nessuno conoscerà mai l'ultimo appello di Ceausescu.

Alle 12,08, insieme alla moglie Elena, sale su un elicottero che si alza dal tetto del Comitato centrale e si dirige verso nord.

Ion Iliescu vede sullo schermo l'elicottero che si invola, portando con se la coppia presidenziale, e subito si dà da fare per formare il Consiglio del Fronte di salvezza nazionale estraneo al vecchio Fronte clandestino che diffondeva scritti contro la dittatura.

Il compito del nuovo organismo, in apparenza creato sui due piedi, è di assumere il potere abbandonato dal dittatore in fuga. Il primo appuntamento è davanti alle telecamere, che senza esitazione inquadrano Ilieuscu quale naturale capo del Fronte, di cui non si conoscono ancora i componenti. I candidati sono tanti, sono sempre più numerosi da quando l'elicottero dei Ceausescu è scomparso nel cielo di Bucarest, ma molti vengono respinti, perché troppo compromessi col regime.

In quelle ore gli annunci rivoluzionari ricalcano il linguaggio di sempre: Anzi alcuni gli rimproverano di avere tradito il comunismo.

Coloro che cavalcano al momento la rivolta sono tutti comunisti, o perlomeno sono iscritti al partito, in procinto di passare dalla tessera del pc alla tessera del Fronte. Mentre la folla, esaltata dalla partenza di Ceausescu, invade il palazzo del Comitato centrale senza più incontrare una seria resistenza di poliziotti e militari, in città si continua a sparare.

La confusione è tale che, non sapendo se reprimere o ribellarsi, nella notte i reparti della polizia e dell'esercito si scontrano e si uccidono tra di loro. Il traffico di cadaveri è intenso.

A Timisoara vengono riesumati quelli ricuciti dopo un' autopsia e spacciati per "freschi", al fine di gonfiare il numero delle vittime dell'esercito e della Securitate.

A Bucarest Elena Ceausescu ordina, ed è stata una delle sue ultime decisioni, di incenerire quaranta corpi, per nascondere le vittime dell'esercito e della Securitate. La sua presenza su una delle prime barricate non è passata inosservata. Il professore quarantenne ha saputo arringare operai e studenti.

Oltre alla sua capacità di comando, ha colpito l'abilità di parlare alla gente. Il suo nome non era certo sconosciuto all'"aristocrazia" comunista di cui il padre, morto cinque anni prima, aveva fatto parte con alterna fortuna, e di cui lui stesso era inevitabilmente un esponente, pur non avendo mai partecipato direttamente al potere. Era iscritto al partito, ma gli iscritti erano più di quattro milioni, e un professore universitario doveva avere la tessera.

La società politica di Bucarest era abbastanza ristretta. Quarant'anni di comunismo avevano intrecciato solidarietà e ostilità, dosate dalla buona o cattiva sorte, dalle svolte politiche e dalle scelte ideologiche, oltre che dagli umori del despota e di sua moglie. Le frequentazioni e le complicità erano come un labirinto. Ion Iliescu e Petre Roman, pur non essendo legati da un rapporto particolare, sono diventati il presidente e il primo ministro della Romania subito dopo la morte di Ceausescu.

Entrambi sostengono la tesi della rivoluzione, dell' insurrezione spontanea. Escludono quella del colpo di Stato. O della congiura internazionale. Non hanno del tutto torto. Come si chiama, se non rivoluzione, un cambio di regime, di sistema politico e sociale, sia pur graduale, a singhiozzo, accompagnato da una rivolta popolare, sia pur confusa? Quando gli ho ricordato l'ingresso in Romania, all'inizio del dicembre , di numerosi agenti russi, Iliescu ha reagito dicendo che in una situazione come quella di vent'anni fa era inevitabile che affluisse nel Paese una vasta varietà di servizi segreti.

Dal Kgb alla Cia. E la sbrigativa esecuzione dei coniugi Ceausescu? Fu il Consiglio del Fronte di Salvezza a decidere il processo speditivo di Targoviste. Elena e Nicolae Ceausescu erano stati catturati e tenuti prigionieri in quella città.

Era una decisione politica inevitabile, perché la morte del dittatore avrebbe messo fine allo spargimento di sangue nel Paese. È quel che sostengono Iliescu e Roman, in quelle ore uniti, ma poi diventati avversari politici. D' accordo, è stata una rivoluzione. Ma l' immediata scelta di Ion Iliescu come capo del Fronte di Salvezza nazionale fa inevitabilmente pensare a una rivoluzione preparata, guidata. Come del resto la rapida ascesa del professor Petre Roman, che si distingue sulle barricate, e pochi giorni dopo è primo ministro.

Ion Iliescu era conosciuto da Gorbaciov. Avevano frequentato insieme l'Istituto Molotov di Mosca. Era un dirigente comunista colto ingegnere idraulico, professore universitario, poliglotta , al contrario di Ceausescu che, come la moglie, nonostante i titoli accademici che si era attribuito, leggendo i discorsi inciampava spesso in grossolani errori di grammatica e sintassi. Dei quali si vantava perché ricordavano le sue umili origini. Iliescu era stato un apparatchik modello fino al Era allora, diciotto anni prima, ministro della Gioventù e segretario per l'ideologia del Comitato centrale.

La sua disgrazia comincia con un viaggio in Estremo Oriente, a fianco di Ceausescu. Il quale si entusiasma, a Pechino, durante l'incontro con Mao che gli spiega la rivoluzione culturale. Anche lui, Ceausescu, farà la sua in Romania. Ma qualche giorno dopo, a Pyongyang, è affascinato da Kim Il Sung. Ammira il culto della personalità di cui si circonda il presidente nordcoreano.

Guarda con invidia i palazzi in cui vive ed esercita il potere. E decide che Kim Il Sung è il leader comunista cui ispirarsi. Iliescu lo contraddice, cerca di dissuaderlo dal prendere come esempio il satrapo asiatico. Ceausescu lo accusa di intellettualismo. E via via lo mette in disparte.

Nel Ion Ilieuscu è l' uomo su cui possono contare coloro che soprattutto a Mosca vogliono togliere di mezzo l' incontrollabile Conducator. Yet when the end came, it unfolded with stunning speed: June 4 - Communists overwhelmingly defeated in Poland's first partially free elections in four decades. March 18 - Alliance for Germany, which seeks quick reunification, wins East Germany's first free election.

March April 8 - Hungary has first multiparty elections since communist rule began. June - Bulgaria holds free elections. July - Thousands of Albanians rush foreign embassies in Tirana. A seguire, in settembre, una bella picconata fu scagliata dal popolo ungherese nel nome di Nagy.

La Guerra fredda si sciolse negli occhi ardenti di libertà dei tedeschi della Ddr che scavalcavano il Muro. Era il 9 novembre , Berlino si riuniva inondata da una folla festante.

Le illustrazioni sono firmate da Henning Wagenbreth. Il 20 ottobre, alle 18 alla Galleria Studio Hde di Piazzetta del Nilo 7, l'esposizione con le tavole originali di Henning Wagenbreth presente alla serata.

Il 21 ottobre, poi, sarà inaugurata un'altra mostra per le scuole al Goethe-Institut Napoli che presenterà le stampe con visite guidate in italiano e tedesco. En este caso, 20 años es mucho: La historia dejó de ser bilateral, de dos enormes bloques de poder. No pretendo decir en pocas líneas qué ha cambiado en estos 20 años. Pero he pasado algunas temporadas en Berlín, el de antes de la caída y el de ahora, el reunificado, y puedo transmitir impresiones directas, de primera mano.

Llegué a Berlín por primera vez pocas semanas después del accidente nuclear de Chernóbil en la Rusia todavía soviética. Los berlineses, aficionados a la naturaleza, obsesionados por los alimentos y los productos naturales, me pedían que no comiera lechugas, que tuviera cuidado con las frutas, incluso con los huevos y los pollos. Es bastante probable que sí. Era, ese humo sucio, una curiosa, inesperada propaganda contra la economía del otro lado.

Las chimeneas capitalistas, en cambio, por lo menos en ese punto estratégico, tenían poderosos filtros. Se decía que era una ciudad non-stop. Parecía que todo estaba abierto durante las 24 horas del día, o semicerrado. En un departamento de la Momsen Strasse, no lejos de la Savigny Platz, escribía una novela breve que se me acababa de ocurrir, un tema del exilio en los dos Berlines, una suerte de Fausto criollo, y a las dos o tres de la madrugada bajaba a la plaza a cenar algo.

Había una tabernaque tenía el nombre de un pez de las aguas del norte, y un café restaurante que se llamaba Cour Carrée, y pronto se abría un lugar donde vendían desayunos filosóficos: Una escritora turca de Berlín sostiene ahora que pasar de un lado al otro del Muro, en los años anteriores a la caída, era un viaje en el espacio y también en el tiempo.

Estoy enteramente de acuerdo. Las casas carcomidas, las paredes tiznadas, los profundos agujeros de las veredas, me provocaron una sensación aguda, malsana, de irrealidad. Mi amigo, que había sido un editor importante en los buenos tiempos, me habló de las primeras manifestaciones de disidencia en el mundillo literario, de los cantautores subversivos, de las protestas adentro de iglesias, que habían partido de la catedral de Leipzig y se habían extendido por todas partes.

Hubo un momento en que la rebelión llegó a ser imparable. El exceso de irrealidad ya no se pudo soportar. En una familia que conozco bien, los hijos, el día preciso de la caída del Muro, estaban exaltados, esperanzados, dispuestos a todo, y los padres, escépticos, cansados de hacer clases en la universidad, se echaron a la cama temprano.

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Era uno de los puntos de mi política de no injerencia en los asuntos internos de nuestros vecinos. Debatimos mucho sobre los peligros, pero todo transcurrió de forma ideal.

Otro gran artífice de la perestroika es Eduard Shevardnadze, su ministro de Exteriores y ex presidente de Georgia. Le felicito por su cumpleaños y hablamos ocasionalmente por teléfono, pero fue un buen ministro de Exteriores para mi época. Los países y las épocas son diferentes. En solitario nunca podría haber hecho lo que hice. En el partido había gente que me apoyaba. Una de las características de la URSS era que la reforma en aquel tiempo sólo se podía empezar desde arriba y que la sociedad necesitaba de cambios.

Le dije que no podíamos posponer los cambios que habían madurado y que debíamos unir nuestros esfuerzos y actuar. Él me dijo que estaba totalmente de acuerdo. A veces las cosas suceden así. Se discute sobre algo decenas de años, siglos incluso, y luego, de repente Hace tres años, ante miles de personas, en una de esas conferencias de pago que doy, un joven que parecía listo me pidió consejo.

Le dije que me parecía que EE UU necesitaba una perestroika norteamericana y la sala se levantó y aplaudió. Observé atentamente la campaña de Obama, que me gustó mucho. Me alegra que Medvédev se plantee también los temas globales europeos. No es posible distanciarse de lo que aprobamos entonces. Pero perdimos una oportunidad tras la guerra fría y apareció de nuevo otra línea divisoria. Creo que se sacaron muchas consecuencias equivocadas tras la desintegración de la URSS.

Dijeron que la OTAN no avanzaría hacia el Este y que no habría peligro para nadie, pero, de repente, comenzaron a aceptar a otros países del Este en la OTAN y lo justifican diciendo que el Estado al que le hicieron esas promesas ya no existe.

Es un truco barato. A mí me parece -y se lo aconsejaría- que no debe intentar parecer que es tan decidido y duro. No es eso lo que necesita el país, ni Europa ni el mundo. No puede decirse que la democracia haya avanzado en Rusia bajo el mandato de Putin y el de Medvédev. Puede que tenga razón, pero lo que yo digo -y lo subrayo- tiene que ver con el contenido esencial.

Pero todos se salen a veces de sus casillas. No hay nadie ideal. A Putin se le perdona mucho porque en un comienzo hizo mucho para evitar que Rusia se desintegrara y luego le llegó la lluvia de dólares que dio posibilidad de hacer cosas.

Pero en su segundo mandato no utilizó esas posibilidades, es decir, no realizó la modernización que el país necesitaba y tampoco hizo todo lo que podría haber hecho en el plano internacional. Los demócratas occidentales ilustrados se sorprendieron e hicieron una mueca de desagrado como si fueran una asamblea de nobles ante la cual hubiera acudido alguien con zapatos sucios. Dijo cosas correctas, porque se fregaron los pies en Rusia y la descuidaron tanto que Rusia se retrasó 15 años.

Pero los rusos sacaron conclusiones. Cavilaron largamente, pero las sacaron. Todos deseaban que Rusia fuera débil para poder hacer lo que querían. Esto ha quedado en la memoria de la gente, por eso apoyan a Putin incluso cuando se le pasa la mano. El sistema electoral ha sido revisado para asegurar la victoria de Rusia Unida, que es un instrumento de determinada gente, y eso no es correcto, y llegó Medvédev y también hizo cosas por el estilo, por ejemplo, prolongó el plazo presidencial.

Yo lo critico e incluso escribí un artículo en Rossíiskaya Gazeta. Cualquier avance exige participación de la gente, y eso es la democracia, la gente debe saber, participar y tener derecho a decidir. En cambio, aquí, el actual sistema electoral no lo permite. Éste es el tema que hay que resolver antes de nuevas elecciones, pero ellos tratan de disminuirlas; primero introdujeron la ratificación y luego el nombramiento de los gobernadores [en lugar de elegirlos en votación popular] liquidaron también los distritos mayoritarios y resulta entonces que los ciudadanos no pueden realizar sus derechos constitucionales.

Vetaron a candidatos para no molestar a Yuri Luzhkov. Los historiadores escriben lo que desean los dirigentes. Por ahora, las cosas son así. Pueden escribir de la época de Bréznev, de Andrópov, que gobernó sólo unos días, pero la perestroika no existe en los manuales de Historia. Recordemos la campaña electoral en la época de la perestroika , en Todo el país participó. No hubo ninguna falsificación, ni órdenes por parte del Gobierno.

Y por cada escaño competían hasta decenas de candidaturas. Ya ve qué partidos hay They became unwilling to accept previously tolerated strictures. In , this unwillingness was particularly pronounced among East Germans, who had seemed relatively restrained in contrast with Solidarity in Poland and reformers in Hungary.

In the fall of , however, several factors contributed to give East Germans the courage they needed to change their future. Gorbachev's numerous hints to East German leaders and citizens that nonviolent reform was the order of the day removed the fear that the Soviets would act where the East German leadership had not.

Economic grievances contributed as well. Enough was enough, ran the general sentiment. The sixteen-year wait for a car and the twenty-five-year wait for a telephone were no longer tolerable. Although the deprivation was not as bad as that experienced in Poland and Romania, it was still painful. In and , consumers discovered that it was increasingly difficult to find meat except on the black market.

The comparison with the success of West Germany's economy exacerbated the resentment. East Germans decided that in order to improve their lives, they must either leave the country, confront their ruling regime, or accept what would come. In other words, they faced a choice between exiting, voicing their discontent, or staying quiet. At first, Hungary's September announcement that it would allow East Germans to travel through Hungary to Austria made the exit option the most attractive.

In spring , he and Gorbachev had seemed to be like-minded souls, agreeing in a March conversation that there was "no difference between pluralism in a single-party system and in a multi-party system. Not only Hungarians but also East Germans sought to take advantage of the May cutting of the fence on the Hungarian border to Austria.

Due to treaty obligations, Hungary was not supposed to let East Germans utilize this new gap in the iron curtain; but East Germans came and camped at the border anyway. At first a holiday atmosphere prevailed, but the crowds grew restless as conditions became wet and swampy in the waning days of a Central European summer.

Nervous Hungarian border guards even shot one East German after an altercation on August It was clear that something had to give. The Hungarian leaders were wisely seeking to make a virtue out of the necessity of resolving the unstable situation. Németh kept his word and opened the border to East Germans in September. Dramatic scenes filled television screens worldwide as a mass exodus ensued. This opening was one of the single most important events leading to the breakdown of the old Cold War order.

In response, the furious East German Politburo choked off travel to Hungary. But that only relocated the problem to Warsaw and particularly Prague. East Germans began filling the West German embassies there in the hopes of emigrating. Prague was especially hard hit because Czechoslovakia had already emerged as a "transit stop" for East Germans heading to Hungary. When denied the opportunity to go to Hungary, East Germans simply stayed there rather than go home.

Kohl and Genscher hoped they could solve this crisis by negotiating a special one-time release of East Germans from the Prague and Warsaw embassies. The East Berlin Politburo agreed, but there was a catch. The Politburo insisted that refugees had to travel on sealed trains that would cross back through the GDR before delivering their human cargo in West Germany. The risk of running through the GDR cast a pall over the agreement, since it meant that the Politburo had countless ways to stop the trains, and the image of sealed trains in Germany had frightening historical connotations.

Still, there did not seem to be a better alternative. In a dramatic gesture, Genscher personally went to Prague to tell the crowd in the embassy of the deal. He was received with a mixture of joy and fear, as the East Germans scrambled to prepare for immediate departure.

Sleep-deprived embassy officials in Prague and Warsaw rushed to get the refugees under way, to accomplish their transit to West Germany before the terms of the deal could change. In Prague, this meant jamming an estimated four to six thousand people on to six trains. Pulling out in haste, hours later than expected in the middle of the night, massively outnumbered West German official escorts did their best to control the train passengers.

The escorts also had to manage various state security teams that insisted on inspections of the trains at numerous stops. The atmosphere would grow tense whenever special police officers would demand that passengers show their ID cards. Some refugees threw their cards at the feet of the agents in response. The embassy officials were not sure what they could do if the confrontation turned violent, had no means of communication with the West whatsoever, and had no idea how it would all end.

The trains were only supposed to carry the original crowd; but others, among them East Germans who had arrived in Czechoslovakia too late to make it to the embassy, figured out where the trains would have to slow or stop for technical reasons. They rushed to the tracks with whatever they could carry, in the hopes of boarding.

Richard Kiessler, a West German journalist on another of the Prague trains, remembered that few succeeded. Confrontation loomed yet again when Elbe's train reached the final station in Czechoslovakia.

As it rolled to a stop, passengers saw a line of police on the platform. A handful of forlorn East German families faced the security forces. The sound of a loudspeaker ordering them not to board echoed through the station. No one knew how long the train would be stopped or what would happen. Suddenly, Elbe remembered, "a family finds the heart to begin walking, carrying its suitcases, toward the train. They had no idea what would result, only the belief that whatever it was, it could not be worse than staying behind the iron curtain one day longer.

The sight of the lone family advancing in the predawn light inspired other waiting families; they began to follow. From inside the train, Elbe recalled that "hands that want to help stretch out to them, and pull them in.

The train moved on, slightly fuller than before. Such success helped the confidence of the passengers to grow with every mile they moved closer to the West. Hesitatingly at first, but then en masse, the rest of the train followed suit, divulging itself of the essentials of an everyday life that had ended: A train station employee reacted to the shower of coins and keys by tipping his hat to the jubilant passengers.

And the next stop was the West. Elbe remembered that moment as a time when "a joy that you cannot imagine breaks out. Instructions went out saying "the fact that further people got on the train during the transit should not be explicitly acknowledged" if questions arose. This article is excerpted from her book But the man who made a crucial first breach in the Iron Curtain which divided Cold War Europe has received far less attention in the West.

He is Miklos Nemeth, an economist who became Hungarian prime minister in November and proceeded to tear up the rule book for leaders of communist bloc countries.

His assault on the Iron Curtain began, strangely enough, as he considered his country's budget for He spotted a mysteriously large sum listed under interior ministry spending. When he was told it was in fact for renewing the barbed wire on the border between Hungary in the Cold War "East", and Austria in the "West", he "erased it immediately", he recalls.

Memory of brutal Soviet intervention in Hungary in was still strong. But Nemeth wanted to test the promises of a new era made by Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev. He visited Gorbachev in March and informed him of his government's decision in principle to start dismantling the border. Nonetheless, as the barbed wire began to come down and border controls were gradually reduced, he half expected an angry phone call from Moscow, and was relieved when it did not come. Nemeth was convinced that the so-called Brezhnev doctrine, in which a previous Soviet leader had asserted the right to invade other countries to defend orthodox communist rule, was now dead.

But the possibility that Gorbachev would be deposed by hardliners, who might exploit the fact that the Soviet Union still had many thousands of troops stationed in Hungary, was a constant worry. He remembers hearing "disturbing noises" from intelligence sources in Moscow. And Nemeth's decision to relax border controls - and his willingness to consider multi-party rule - enraged more conservative rulers in other communist countries.

Meanwhile Gorbachev, also attending, said nothing, Nemeth remembers, but occasionally "winked at me" in silent support. Nemeth was to incur Honecker's lasting wrath when he decided to "cross the Rubicon", and open up the border fully in September. This allowed thousands of East Germans, who had massed in Hungary after hearing of looser border controls, to leave for the West without exit visas, via Hungary's border with Austria.

But first Nemeth made a secret deal with the West German government, giving them time to prepare to accept the influx. Honecker lost power soon afterwards, and within weeks the Berlin Wall had fallen. Kohl visited Nemeth shortly before making a crucial visit to East Germany which paved the way for German reunification. Nemeth noticed how nervous he was, and Kohl confided that he did not know what to say to East Germans, so different from the Germans he knew in the West.

Nemeth advised him "not to promise anything" but to stress instead patience and hard work. Nemeth also had to reassure Margaret Thatcher, a strong opponent of German reunification, who told him that after 40 years of Cold War stability "now something strange is happening".

But nothing could match the drama and personal satisfaction of the role he played in Europe's year of revolutionary drama 20 years ago. And the approval he enjoyed most was not from the top political leaders he met, but from much closer to home.

And my father clapped me on the back, and said 'Son, well done, I'm still holding my head up high whenever I walk through the gates to my front door. Prague's velvet and steel, 20 years later The ills of capitalism are apparent. Students had gathered Nov. Events were not taking place in a vacuum, however. Tectonic shifts were under way across Eastern Europe. East Germans were fleeing in the thousands to the West. The Solidarity trade union under Lech Walesa was taking power in Poland.

Hungary was dismantling its one-party system. The ultimate blow was the crumbling of the Berlin Wall on Nov. The Czech students had that event in mind as they marched to the center of town, where they were met by a phalanx of grim-faced police in riot gear. It is common lore that the overthrow of communism in Czechoslovakia went smoothly, peacefully, hence the "Velvet" tag. But that day, police were at their brutal best, attacking with batons protesters who approached them with flowers.

The crackdown was a catalyst. Angered by the police action and sensing the regime was on its last leg, Czechs took to the streets in massive protests, jingling keys for change. Less than two weeks later, the communist system was unraveling, and Vaclav Havel, a playwright, political prisoner, and Lou Reed fan, would soon become the first president of a free Czechoslovakia.

Today, a supermarket sits on the corner where the students were bludgeoned during those fateful days in Capitalism is firmly entrenched here. The cobblestoned streets of Prague are lined with restaurants, pubs, and upscale boutiques. With its architectural heritage given a needed scrubbing after decades of communist neglect, Prague has become a top target of the camera-clicking crowd.

The city's roads are clogged with more and more upscale cars, pushing out the old, boxy Skodas, the Czech autos. The ills of capitalism are here to see as well.

The number of homeless is growing. City officials scratch their heads trying to figure out how to shuffle them out of the sight of tourists, the lifeblood for much of the economy. Those looking for cheap booze and sex have made Prague a top destination, leading one English paper to call it one of Europe's sleaziest cities. And like elsewhere in the region, the countryside has harvested fewer fruits of the free market than the cities.

Traveling to our country home in the winter is like being in Pittsburgh during the days of the smokestack industries. The air has a grittiness as homes burn coal, wood, and whatever else is flammable, including tires. All are cheaper than gas. Stocking up wood for the winter is an obsession and necessity for some.

With all the free market's warts, few here or elsewhere in the former Eastern Bloc want to trash it and return to the past, despite the sense of security it did offer along with the cruelty and limitations. I asked a friend who lives in Chribska, site of our rustic retreat, whether the credit crunch had shaken his faith in the free market.

Pepa had just had his hours cut back at a thread factory in a small town near the northern border with Germany. He looked at me as if I were kidding, before answering with a heaping dose of sarcasm, "Oh, sure we could go back to the way things were, when the shops were full, and we all drove Trabants," the tiny clunker once churned out in bunches in East Germany.

The Trabants are gone, as are the Soviet troops. Membership in the now not-so-exclusive European Union means the Czechs and other Eastern Europeans are out of Moscow's orbit, although the Kremlin is still reluctant to see it that way. That partly explains why Moscow stomped its feet over U. Vox populi in both Poland and the Czech Republic showed little support for the plan. However, the leadership in Warsaw and Prague believed it would further anchor them in the Atlantic alliance.

When Barack Obama announced that those two components of missile defense would be scrapped, political leaders and thinkers here felt betrayed, and fear that the U. A former foreign minister, Jiri Dienstbier, told me such thinking was nothing more than scaremongering. But for most Czechs, the history is hard to forget.

In una fotografia dell'epoca, appesa accanto alla sua scrivania, i capelli corvini e folti, lo sguardo chiaro, diretto, i lineamenti regolari, lo fanno apparire un primo attor giovane. Si intravede l'impronta spagnola della madre, Hortensia Vallejo, nata a Santander, dirigente comunista. Era un transilvanico di origine ebraica ed era stato comandante dell'artiglieria delle Brigate internazionali durante la guerra civile in Spagna, funzionario del Comintern, mitico dirigente comunista in Romania con alterna fortuna nelle periodiche purghe all' interno del partito.

Petre, il figlio di quella coppia comunista cosmopolita, nella fotografia di vent'anni fa indossa un pullover rosso con il collo della camicia sbottonato. Ha l'aria di un play boy. Adesso il colore dei capelliè sfumato, un po' opaco, e leggere rughe solcano il viso non troppo appesantito.

Ma il tempo non ha smorzato l'espressione del seduttore. E' con slancio e senza retorica in buon italiano - parla tante altre lingue, dal russo all'inglese, dallo spagnolo al francese ha studiato a Tolosa - che mi riassume le ore intense del 21 dicembre Erigevano una barriera nell'attesa dei soldati e degli agenti della Securitate.

I quali arrivarono, nella notte, e fecero trentanove morti. Cosi Petre Roman, destinato a diventare dopo qualche giorno primo ministro postcomunista, racconta come entro' nella "rivoluzione". Il sangue dell'89, Bucarest La rivoluzione rumena o la rivolta o il complotto o la congiura internazionale, secondo le varie tesi fu l'ultimo capitolo,e il solo bagno di sangue, del , l'anno in cui la storia d'Europa ha girato pagina, essendo il comunismo reale entrato in un' agonia irreversibile.

Gli atti notarili chiedono tempoe il decesso ufficiale sarà registrato due anni dopo con la dissoluzione dell'Unione Sovietica. Ma l' estremo ictus è il tragico episodio del Natale rumeno, vissuto alla televisione, quasi in diretta, non solo dall'Europa ma dal mondo. Bucarest era in grande ritardo rispetto alle altre capitali satelliti dell'impero in decomposizione. A Varsavia, a Budapest, a Praga, nella stessa vicina Sofia, era già avvenuta la transizione incruenta; a Berlino, il 9 novembre, era caduto il Muro.

Gli occidentali avevano da tempo voltato le spalle a Ceausescu, dopo averlo a lungo adulato per assecondare le sua insubordinazione nazionalista nei confronti di Mosca. E nella stessa Unione Sovietica, dopo una burrascosa visita di Gorbaciov a Bucarest, nell'87, si sopportava sempre meno il caparbio, a tratti sprezzante, rifiuto del regime rumeno ad accettare la decisiva svolta del Cremlino, basata sulla perestrojka e la glasnost la revisione economica e la trasparenza politica.

Ceausescu appariva come l'estremo baluardo di un comunismo irriformabile, ancorato a un dittatore, il cui carattere assumeva sempre più aspetti psichiatrici.

E il Paese era sull' orlo di un' esplosione. Dal scarseggiava persino il pane. L' industria costava di più di quel che produceva. Con uno scatto d'orgoglio Ceausescu aveva deciso di rimborsare al più presto i debiti accumulati dal Paese.

La gente non moriva di fame, ma la malnutrizione allungava le file, anche notturne, davanti ai negozi d' alimentari vuoti. Nei mesi d'inverno, durante i quali mancava spesso la corrente, i rumeni dormivano vestiti, con i guanti. E poi c'era stata la proibizione dell'aborto, che aveva moltiplicato le tragedie, poiché gli aborti, spesso per evitare figli che non si potevano mantenere, venivano fatti clandestinamente e senza sicurezza.

In quegli stessi anni di miseria, Ceausescu aveva fatto costruire uno dei palazzi più grandi del mondo, foderato di legni preziosie di marmi. E nel cantiere avevano lavorato operai malpagati e denutriti. Schiavi del XX secolo. Cosi si arriva al dicembre dell' La cronologia degli ultimi avvenimenti è scrupolosa. Non sgarra di un minuto. Oscuro, incerto, resta invece il retroscena di quei fatti. Ed enigmatico il ruolo dei protagonisti.

Alle 14,50 del giorno di Natale, in una caserma a neppure cento chilometri da Bucarest, sono sbrigativamente fucilati Nicolae ed Elena Ceausescu e con loro si spegne il comunismo paranoico, alla cui testa non c'era più da tempo il partito ma la famiglia: La quale, come se cercasse il riscatto di una lunga sinistra megalomania, ha un sussulto di dignità davanti alla morte.

Marito e moglie negano la legittimità di chi li sta giudicando, respingono gli avvocati difensori e l'idea di un appello, che comunque sarebbe stato negato, e affrontano senza batter ciglio il plotone di esecuzione.

Esecuzione che avviene dopo un processo durato cento minuti e dieci minuti dopo la sentenza, nella città di Dracula: È alla sua storia che si è ispirato il mito di Dracula. Sulla cui terra immaginaria sono morti sul serio i coniugi Ceausescu. Quattro giorni prima dell' esecuzione di Targoviste, nel pomeriggio del 21 dicembre, quando Petre Roman esce dal Politecnico e si imbatte nella fragile barricata nei pressi dell'Hotel Intercontinental, che lo coinvolge nella rivolta, Bucarest vive ore di grande tensione.

Nella tarda mattina, alle 11,55 le riprese televisive garantiscono tempi tanto esatti Nicolae Ceausescu appare sul balcone che si allunga su quasi tutta la facciata, al primo piano, della sede del Comitato centrale. Accanto a lui ci sono la moglie Elena e alcuni eminenti membri della direzione del partito. I quali prendonoa turno la parola davanti alla folla compatta, ordinata che riempie la piazza, e condannano unanimi i tumulti di Timisoara. All'origine di quei tumulti, cominciatia metà dicembre nella città della Transilvania, c'è l'ordine di espulsione per un pastore luterano di origine ungherese, Laszlo Toekes, accusato di pronunciare sermoni irriverenti per il regime.

E la popolazione è insorta in sua difesa. La repressione ha fatto e continua a fare decine di morti. E la cifra già alta delle vittime, moltiplicata ad arte, e diffusa dai media internazionali, suscita una forte emozione in Occidente e nei Paesi appena usciti dal comunismo.

Al punto da indurre alcune capitali a sollecitare un intervento sovietico per fermare il massacro. Ma non sono più i tempi della "dottrina Breznev", della sovranità limitata mascherata da solidarietà internazionalista. Mosca rifiuta di intervenire, anche perché i suoi servizi segreti sono già in azione.

Si dirà più tardi che numerosi agenti del Kgb erano entrati in Romania con l'approvazione, non del tutto passiva, della Cia. Nella nuova Europa che stava emergendo Ceausescu costituiva un'anomalia, un tumore, da estirpare.

Ma il Conducator, come è chiamato Ceausescu, resiste. Conta ancora sull' appoggio del popolo. Per questo ha convocato la manifestazione del 21 dicembre. Dopo i discorsi impacciati dei collaboratori, il dittatore si accosta a sua volta al microfono sono le 12,30 , pronuncia le prime parole e subito dalla folla partono grida che suonano ostili; o rivelano il panico, poiché nello stesso momento migliaia di uomini e donne cominciano ad agitarsi, e a riversarsi nelle strade vicine.

Ceausescu tace, resta a bocca aperta, stupito. Dal , quando è succeduto a Gheorghiu-Dej alla testa del partito, non gli è mai accaduto di essere interrotto in pubblico, in modo cosi plateale. Gira lo sguardo smarrito verso destra per seguire i movimenti della folla che cerca di disertare la piazza spinta dalla paura della rituale repressione.

Sul balcone Elena Ceausescu dice ad alta voce: Che vuol dire appunto: Ma l'annuncio non ha un seguito immediato. L' immagine diffusa dalle televisioni di tutto il mondo annuncia chiaramente la fine del dittatore e del regime. Ma è troppo tardi per comperare il potere sfuggito di mano. A qualche centinaio di metri dalla piazza si alzano le prime barricate di Bucarest.

Dietro una di queste c'è Petre Roman. Ion Iliescu porta bene i quasi ottant'anni, e il peso della lunga agitata esistenza di militante e dirigente comunista, e poi di primo presidente della Repubblica rumena postcomunista riconfermato nella carica per un secondo mandato.

La mattina del 22 dicembre - mi racconta Iliescu - lui era nel suo ufficio di direttore delle Edizioni tecniche. Verso mezzogiorno lo avvertono che degli elicotteri si sono posati sul tetto del palazzo del Comitato centrale. E allora si mette davanti a un televisore. Nella notte tra il 21 e il 22 dicembre, il Conducator si rende conto di essere ormai isolato. I suoi ordini non sono più eseguiti.

L'esercito e la Securitate sono intervenuti per contenere le manifestazioni, hanno moltiplicato i morti, ma la loro azione si è rivelata troppo fiacca o scoordinata.

Nella mattina del 22, il ministro della Difesa, Vasile Milea, viene trovato morto in un ufficio che non è il suo, e si dice che si sia suicidato. Ceausescu si sente tradito, ma compie un ultimo tentativo: La decisione non suscita reazione nei presenti. Le sue parole non contano più. E allora, armato di un altoparlante, il Conducator si affaccia al balcone del Comitato centrale e si rivolge alla folla assiepata sulla piazza.

Ma la folla è ormai apertamente ostile e non vuole ascoltarlo. La sua voce è coperta da un altoparlante più potente che sotto il balcone ripete: Cosi nessuno conoscerà mai l'ultimo appello di Ceausescu. Alle 12,08, insieme alla moglie Elena, sale su un elicottero che si alza dal tetto del Comitato centrale e si dirige verso nord. Ion Iliescu vede sullo schermo l'elicottero che si invola, portando con se la coppia presidenziale, e subito si dà da fare per formare il Consiglio del Fronte di salvezza nazionale estraneo al vecchio Fronte clandestino che diffondeva scritti contro la dittatura.

Il compito del nuovo organismo, in apparenza creato sui due piedi, è di assumere il potere abbandonato dal dittatore in fuga. Il primo appuntamento è davanti alle telecamere, che senza esitazione inquadrano Ilieuscu quale naturale capo del Fronte, di cui non si conoscono ancora i componenti. I candidati sono tanti, sono sempre più numerosi da quando l'elicottero dei Ceausescu è scomparso nel cielo di Bucarest, ma molti vengono respinti, perché troppo compromessi col regime.

In quelle ore gli annunci rivoluzionari ricalcano il linguaggio di sempre: Anzi alcuni gli rimproverano di avere tradito il comunismo. Coloro che cavalcano al momento la rivolta sono tutti comunisti, o perlomeno sono iscritti al partito, in procinto di passare dalla tessera del pc alla tessera del Fronte.

Mentre la folla, esaltata dalla partenza di Ceausescu, invade il palazzo del Comitato centrale senza più incontrare una seria resistenza di poliziotti e militari, in città si continua a sparare. La confusione è tale che, non sapendo se reprimere o ribellarsi, nella notte i reparti della polizia e dell'esercito si scontrano e si uccidono tra di loro.

Il traffico di cadaveri è intenso. A Timisoara vengono riesumati quelli ricuciti dopo un' autopsia e spacciati per "freschi", al fine di gonfiare il numero delle vittime dell'esercito e della Securitate.

A Bucarest Elena Ceausescu ordina, ed è stata una delle sue ultime decisioni, di incenerire quaranta corpi, per nascondere le vittime dell'esercito e della Securitate. La sua presenza su una delle prime barricate non è passata inosservata. Il professore quarantenne ha saputo arringare operai e studenti.

Oltre alla sua capacità di comando, ha colpito l'abilità di parlare alla gente. Il suo nome non era certo sconosciuto all'"aristocrazia" comunista di cui il padre, morto cinque anni prima, aveva fatto parte con alterna fortuna, e di cui lui stesso era inevitabilmente un esponente, pur non avendo mai partecipato direttamente al potere.

Era iscritto al partito, ma gli iscritti erano più di quattro milioni, e un professore universitario doveva avere la tessera. La società politica di Bucarest era abbastanza ristretta.

Quarant'anni di comunismo avevano intrecciato solidarietà e ostilità, dosate dalla buona o cattiva sorte, dalle svolte politiche e dalle scelte ideologiche, oltre che dagli umori del despota e di sua moglie.

Le frequentazioni e le complicità erano come un labirinto. Ion Iliescu e Petre Roman, pur non essendo legati da un rapporto particolare, sono diventati il presidente e il primo ministro della Romania subito dopo la morte di Ceausescu. Entrambi sostengono la tesi della rivoluzione, dell' insurrezione spontanea. Escludono quella del colpo di Stato. O della congiura internazionale.

Non hanno del tutto torto. Come si chiama, se non rivoluzione, un cambio di regime, di sistema politico e sociale, sia pur graduale, a singhiozzo, accompagnato da una rivolta popolare, sia pur confusa? Quando gli ho ricordato l'ingresso in Romania, all'inizio del dicembre , di numerosi agenti russi, Iliescu ha reagito dicendo che in una situazione come quella di vent'anni fa era inevitabile che affluisse nel Paese una vasta varietà di servizi segreti.

Dal Kgb alla Cia. E la sbrigativa esecuzione dei coniugi Ceausescu? Fu il Consiglio del Fronte di Salvezza a decidere il processo speditivo di Targoviste. Elena e Nicolae Ceausescu erano stati catturati e tenuti prigionieri in quella città. Era una decisione politica inevitabile, perché la morte del dittatore avrebbe messo fine allo spargimento di sangue nel Paese.

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Cela apporte la r? Un exemple en est yaourts Yoplait. Pour l'exercice , la cible officielle? Dit chef de produit Kim Nelson: Mais je ne suis pas int? Ici, si vous faites un excellent travail, vous obtenez une plus grande r? Le dimanche 4 mai à Le lundi 5 mai à Le mardi 6 mai à Le mercredi 7 mai à Le jeudi 8 mai à If you return your item to us and it is found not to be in a suitable condition to qualify, the item will be returned to you at your expense.?

J'adore porter des talons hauts. Le samedi 10 mai à Le dimanche 11 mai à Le lundi 12 mai à Le stockage est généralement un besoin, des outils spécialisés qui rendraient son bois tellement plus agréable, peut-être un cours sur la façon de construire ou faire quelque chose qui est dans sa ligne d'intérêt, mais peut-être au-dessus de son niveau de compétence.

Several of them are rife with spelling issues and I find it very bothersome to tell the truth then again I will certainly come back again. Le mardi 13 mai à Le mercredi 14 mai à Le jeudi 15 mai à Tackled by Patrick Chung. Palmer threw long to Fitzgerald, The evolution of London public library. Cub gets all his badges. Le vendredi 16 mai à Wenn Sie nett, aber bezahlbare Schuhe m?

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Le samedi 17 mai à Le dimanche 18 mai à Oui, c'est vrai, nous nous sommes bien entendus, je crois que Christophe Simon a eu du plaisir à dessiner cette histoire, et j'ai eu moi même beaucoup de plaisir à voir ce scénario prendre forme sous son crayon, puisqu'il est le meilleur disciple de Jacques Martin.

C'est Casterman qui a constitué notre tandem. L'idée de faire un Alix "à l'ancienne", au meilleur sens du terme, nous a réunis, je crois que nous sommes tous les deux convaincus de la qualité suprême des premiers albums d'Alix. Concrètement, nous avons travaillé presque exclusivement par courrier électronique.

Le lundi 19 mai à Les résurrections de Balenciaga ou Givenchy, si fortes et si marquantes que l'on se demande comment certaines chaînes feraient leurs vitrines et leurs têtes de gondoles sans eux.

Mais dans ces mêmes chaînes, l'événement, c'est aussi l'arrivée en guest stars des ténors de la mode Karl Lagerfeld, Roberto Cavalli, Sonia Rykiel, Jimmy Choo , qui ont aboli les frontières entre le luxe et le low cost. Cela replace la mode dans un cycle culturel qui donne envie d'en découvrir plus et provoque des émotions.

Mais aussi, la mort d'Yves Saint Laurent. Et le succès planétaire de Colette. Jean Pierre Blanc, directeur du Festival international de mode et de photographie de Hyères. Pour ces raisons, il est n? Si le maintien du salari? Le mardi 20 mai à Le mercredi 21 mai à Le jeudi 22 mai à Le vendredi 23 mai à Kohl est l'endroit o? Je ne sais pas grand-chose, vous faire? Nous avons eu les balles allemandes sifflant un? D'abord la sarge sa cops, alors le corp. Moi, je suis le corp de lance, n'est-ce pas, comme ce fut!

Le samedi 24 mai à Assistante chef de projetPromo AgencyPoste pr: Le dimanche 25 mai à De toutes façons une marque qui met à l'entrée de ses magasins, des jeunes hommes torse nu même en plein hiver, à peine couverts d'une parka est clairement une marque aux valeurs douteuses.

Le lundi 26 mai à Le MVP en titre porte souvent n? Il porte ce num? Venez Game 7, lorsque les Spurs charger sur James avec les d? Nous ne pouvons pas attendre Mario Chalmers redonner? Allen a bien jou? Mais, encore une fois, je cercle revenir sur le fait que Wade au moins quand il se sent bien, c'est le seul gars autre que James qui prend les Spurs ont vraiment rendre compte de chaque possession.

Do you ever run into any internet browser compatibility problems? A couple of my blog visitors have complained about my blog not operating correctly in Explorer but looks great in Opera. Do you have any advice to help fix this issue? Le mardi 27 mai à Er ersetzt Ferdi Dippenaar, der als Pr? Le mercredi 28 mai à Le jeudi 29 mai à Le vendredi 30 mai à Rangers, or even the final, with referee Darren Sheldrake showing the goalkeeper only a yellow card.

Conceded by Mark Brown. Assisted by Kieran Trippier with a cross. Brighton and Hove Albion. Conor McGrandles Falkirk header from the left side of the box is too high.

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Le contrat porte sur l'exploitation de la première tranche du projet JRC. Pionnière en Asie du Sud-Est, cette installation de stockage souterrain de produits pétroliers comprend 5 cavités minées creusées sous la mer à grande profondeur. Geostock en a assuré la conception, ainsi que l'assistance à Ma? Le mardi 3 juin à Enjoyed the bag is gorgeous, a bit fragile, however was everything that I expected.

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